portuguese colonial war combatants

Nov 7, 2020 - Explore coal1989's board "Portuguese colonial wars" on Pinterest. [37], While sub-saharan African soldiers constituted a mere 18% of the total number of troops fighting in Portugal's African territories in 1961, this percentage would rise dramatically over the next thirteen years, with black soldiers constituting over 50% of all government forces fighting in Africa by April 1974. [103] While the counterinsurgency war was won in Angola, it was less than satisfactorily contained in Mozambique and dangerously stalemated in Portuguese Guinea from the Portuguese point of view, so the Portuguese Government decided to create sustainability policies in order to allow continuous sources of financing for the war effort in the long run. The students that participated in this underground opposition faced serious consequences if caught by the PIDE – from immediate arrest to automatic conscription into a combat branch (infantry, marines, etc.) In Mozambique, reached in the 15th century by Portuguese sailors searching for a maritime spice trade route, the Portuguese settled along the coast and made their way into the hinterland as sertanejos (backwoodsmen). Portugal used radio propaganda in its colonies in the 1960s against local liberation movements. The succession of Marcelo Caetano, after Salazar's incapacitation, resulted in steady increases in military spending on the African wars through 1972. [78] After the Netherlands embargoed further sales of the AR-10, the paratroop battalions were issued a collapsible-stock version of the regular m/961 (G3) rifle, also in 7.62×51mm NATO caliber. [40], General Spínola was dismissed by Dr. Marcelo Caetano, the last prime minister of Portugal under the Estado Novo regime, over the general's publicly announced desire to open negotiations with the PAIGC in Portuguese Guinea. At the time Portugal was in effective control of little more than the coastal strip of both Angola and Mozambique, but important inroads into the interior had been made since the first half of the 19th century. 276–278, Susan Rose-Ackerman, "Corruption in the Wake of Domestic National Conflict" in, "Things are going well in Angola. In addition, new Decree Laws (Decree Law: Decretos-Leis n.os 353, de 13 de Julho de 1973, e 409, de 20 de Agosto) were enforced in order to cut down military expenses and increase the number of officers by incorporating militia and military academy officers in the Army branches as equals. These rulers then sent enslaved Africans to the Portuguese ports, or to forts in Africa from where they were exported. Many ethnic Portuguese of the African overseas territories were also increasingly willing to accept independence if their economic status could be preserved. [63] Individual Portuguese counterinsurgency commanders such as Second Lieutenant Fernando Robles of the 6ª Companhia de Caçadores Especiais became well known throughout the country for their ruthlessness in hunting down insurgents.[64]. [42] With illiteracy rates approaching 99 per cent and almost no African enrollment in secondary schools,[42] few African candidates could qualify for Portugal's officer candidate programs; most African officers obtained their commission as the result of individual competence and valour on the battlefield. Spanish rifle grenades were sourced from Instalaza, but in due course, the Dilagrama m/65 was more commonly used, using a derivative of the M26 grenade made under licence by INDEP, the M312.[80]. The Navy also used Portuguese civilian cruisers as troop transports, and drafted Portuguese Merchant Navy personnel to man ships carrying troops and material and into the Marines. Some Portuguese soldiers decapitated rebels and impaled their heads on stakes, pursuing a policy of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth". In agreement with this initiative in 1966, Mário Soares suggested there should be a referendum on the overseas policy Portugal should follow, and that the referendum should be preceded by a national discussion to take place in the six months prior to the referendum. From 1961 to the end of the Colonial War, the paratrooper nurses nicknamed Marias, were women who served the Portuguese armed forces being deployed in Portuguese Africa's dangerous guerrilla-infiltrated combat zones to perform rescue operations. [49], By early 1974, guerrilla operations in Angola and Mozambique had been reduced to sporadic ambush operations against the Portuguese in the rural countryside areas, far from the main centers of population. From war campaigns to peacekeeping operations, The Portuguese at War presents an overview of the conflicts, wars and revolutions in which Portugal was involved from the nineteenth century to the present day. A common tactic was to plant large anti-vehicle mines in a roadway bordered by obvious cover, such as an irrigation ditch, then seed the ditch with anti-personnel mines. In Guinea, the success of PAIGC guerrilla operations put Portuguese armed forces on the defensive, forcing them to limit their response to defending territories and cities already held. [19] However, the Portuguese traders and explorers settled in the coastal strip with greater success, and established strongholds safe from their main rivals in East Africa – the Omani Arabs, including those of Zanzibar. [7] By 1973, the war had become increasingly unpopular due to its length and financial costs, the worsening of diplomatic relations with other United Nations members, and the role it had always played as a factor of perpetuation of the entrenched Estado Novo regime and the non-democratic status quo. Cotonang, a company owned by Portuguese, British and German investors, used native Africans to produce an annual cotton crop for export abroad. However, the m/951 12.7mm (.50 caliber) U.S. M2 Browning heavy machine gun was used in ground and vehicle mounts, as were 60mm, 81mm, and later, 120mm mortars. Supply convoys used both armored and unarmored vehicles. By the middle of the 1920s the whole of Angola was under control. Portugal joined NATO as a founding member in 1949, and was integrated within the various fledgling military commands of NATO.[24]. However, they also used small arms of U.S. manufacture (such as the .45 M1 Thompson submachine gun), along with British, French, and German weapons came from neighboring countries sympathetic to the rebellion. By this time, the Estado Novo regime ruled both the Portuguese mainland and several centuries-old overseas territories as theoretically co-equal departments. "Hotel Tropico: Brazil and the challenge of African Decolonization, 1950–1980. In general, the PAIGC in Guinea was the best armed, trained and led of all the guerrilla movements. Portuguese leaders, including Salazar, attempted to stave off calls for independence by defending a policy of assimilation, multiracialism, and civilising mission, or Lusotropicalism, as a way of integrating Portuguese colonies, and their peoples, more closely with Portugal itself. [citation needed]. [21] In 1914, both Angola and Mozambique had Portuguese army garrisons of around 2,000 men, African troops led by European officers. During the ensuing conflict, atrocities were committed by all forces involved.[6]. 558 of the Portuguese army makes references to violent actions, also in Cabo Delgado, on August 21, 1964. The African Special Marines supplemented other Portuguese elite units conducting amphibious operations in the riverine areas of Guinea in an attempt to interdict and destroy guerrilla forces and supplies. Mines and other booby traps were one of the principal weapons used by the insurgents against Portuguese mechanized forces to great effect, who typically patrolled the mostly unpaved roads of their territories using motor vehicles and armored scout cars. [12], The former colonies faced severe problems after independence. [92] The 25 April coup led to a series of temporary governments, marked by a nationalization of many important areas of the economy. In response, Portuguese Armed Forces instituted a harsh policy of reciprocity by torturing and massacring rebels and protesters. By this time the regime in Portugal had been through two major political upheavals: from monarchy to republic in 1910 and then to a military dictatorship after a coup in 1926. Rhodesia was involved in the war in Mozambique, supporting the Portuguese troops in operations and conducting operations independently. Currently between 200,000 and 400,000 tons of coffee are still in warehouses. By the end of the conflict in 1974, due to the Carnation Revolution (a military coup in Lisbon), the total in the Portuguese Armed Forces had risen to 217,000. [65] The branch stores of the Companhia União Fabril (CUF), Mario Lima Whanon, and Manuel Pinto Brandão companies were seized and inventoried by the PAIGC in the areas they controlled, while the use of Portuguese currency in the areas under guerrilla control was banned. [86] Though a common misconception holds that Portuguese soldiers used captured AK-47 type weapons, this was only true of a few elite units for special missions. Between 1968 and 1972, the Portuguese forces increased their offensive posture, in the form of raids into PAIGC-controlled territory. The departure of the Portuguese from Angola and Mozambique increased the isolation of Rhodesia, where white minority rule ended in 1980 when the territory gained international recognition as the Republic of Zimbabwe with Robert Mugabe as the head of government. Political, legislative, administrative, commercial and other institutional relations between the colonies and Portugal-based individuals and organizations were numerous, though migration to, from, and between Portugal and its overseas departments was limited in size, due principally to the long distance and low annual income of the average Portuguese as well that of the indigenous overseas populations. The later included UN-sponsored sanctions, Non-Aligned Movement-led defamation, and myriad boycotts and protests performed by both foreign and domestic political organizations, like the clandestine Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). In the ex-colonies, officers suspected of sympathizing with the prior regime, even black officers, such as Captain Marcelino da Mata, were imprisoned and tortured, while African soldiers who had served in native Portuguese Army units were forced to petition for Portuguese citizenship or else face reprisals from their former enemies in Angola, Guinea, or Mozambique. The uprising, later to become known as the Baixa de Cassanje revolt, was led by two previously unknown Angolans, António Mariano and Kulu-Xingu. This support was transferred to the MPLA and to its leader, Agostinho Neto in 1967. One by one the local kingdoms were overwhelmed and abolished. [57], On February 4, 1961, using arms largely captured from Portuguese soldiers and police[58] 250 MPLA guerrillas attacked the São Paulo fortress prison and police headquarters in Luanda in an attempt to free what it termed 'political prisoners'. Most deployments were either on foot or in vehicles (Berliet and Unimog trucks). As far back as 1919, a Portuguese delegate to the International Labour Conference in Geneva declared: "The assimilation of the so-called inferior races, by cross-breeding, by means of the Christian religion, by the mixing of the most widely divergent elements; freedom of access to the highest offices of state, even in Europe – these are the principles which have always guided Portuguese colonisation in Asia, in Africa, in the Pacific, and previously in America. The coup resulted in a period of economic collapse and political instability, but received general support from the public in its aim of ending the Portuguese war effort in Africa. The universities played a key role in the spread of this position. In an effort to intercept infiltrators, the Fuzileiros even manned small patrol craft on Lake Malawi. A proxy war is defined to be "a war fought between groups of smaller countries that each represent the interests of other larger powers, and may have help and support from these". But the Portuguese never established much more than a foothold in either place. [70] The Operation "Nó Górdio" (Gordian Knot Operation) - conducted in 1970 and commanded by Portuguese Brigadier General Kaúlza de Arriaga - a conventional-style operation to destroy the guerrilla bases in the north of Mozambique, was the major military operation of the Portuguese Colonial War. By 1970, it even had candidates training in the Soviet Union, learning to fly Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-15 jets and to operate Soviet-supplied amphibious assault crafts and APCs. The helicopters were reserved for support (in a gunship role) or medical evacuation (MEDEVAC). Reviewed Work(s): Counterinsurgency in Africa. In Portugal, government budgets increased significantly during the war years. In 1961, the nº8 of the Military Tribune had as its title "Let's end the war of Angola". At the forefront of this work are the lived experiences of a wide range of Portuguese veterans, framed by … Statistically, Portuguese Africa's white Portuguese population were indeed wealthier and more educated than the indigenous majority. Colonel) Marcelino da Mata, a black Portuguese citizen born of Guinean parents who rose from a first sergeant in a road engineering unit to a commander in the Comandos Africanos. They were also demoralized by the steady growth of PAIGC liberation sympathizers and recruits among the rural population. +30,000 in Angola[3][circular reference]. The Soviet Union,[47] realising that military success by insurgents in Angola and Mozambique was becoming increasingly remote, shifted much of its military support to the PAIGC in Guinea, while increasing diplomatic efforts to isolate Portugal from the world community. This was followed the next month by the announcement of the independence of Cape Verde, and the establishment of a new nation, the Republic of Cape Verde. The PAIGC was well-trained, well-led, and equipped and received substantial support from safe havens in neighboring countries like Senegal and the Republic of Guinea (Guinea-Conakry). For most of the conflict, the three rebel groups spent as much time fighting each other as they did fighting the Portuguese. [102], On November 13, 1972, a sovereign wealth fund was enacted through the Decree Law Decreto-Lei n.º 448/ /72 and the Ministry of Defense ordinance Portaria 696/72, in order to finance the counterinsurgency effort in the Portuguese overseas territories. The revolt later became known as the Carnation Revolution. [86] The AK-47's ammunition load was also lighter. [41] The only exception was Portuguese Guinea, where PAIGC guerrilla operations, strongly supported by neighbouring allies like Guinea and Senegal, were largely successful in liberating and securing large areas of Portuguese Guinea. The war was a decisive ideological struggle in Lusophone Africa, surrounding nations, and mainland Portugal. [108], In 1973, on the eve of the revolution, Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56 percent of the EC-12 average. The BR acted even in the colonies, placing a bomb in the Military Command of Bissau on 22 February 1974. Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), A Guerra Colonial na Guine/Bissau (07 de 07), PAIGC, Jornal Nô Pintcha, 29 November 1980. [88] Mine detection was accomplished not only by electronic mine detectors, but also by employing trained soldiers (picadors) walking abreast with long probes to detect nonmetallic road mines. After conflict erupted between the UPA and MPLA and Portuguese military forces, U.S. President John F. Kennedy[29] advised António de Oliveira Salazar (via the US consulate in Portugal) that Portugal should abandon Portugal's African colonies. This strategy culminated in the assassination of Amílcar Cabral in January 1973. Portuguese Military Victory in Angola and Mozambique; Militarily stalemate in Guinea-Bissau, 148,000 European Portuguese regular troops, 40,000–60,000 guerrillas[3][circular reference] It quickly started moving south in the direction of Meponda and Mandimba, linking to Tete with the aid of Malawi. As the war went on, an increasing number of native Africans served as noncommissioned or commissioned officers by the 1970s, including such officers as Captain (later Lt. Chapter 3 focuses on the public memory of the Portuguese colonial war, identifying two distinct phases: from 1974 to 1999 (the postwar silence), and from 2000 onward (a time for revival). Portugal had employed regular native troops (companhias indigenas) in its colonial army since the early 19th century. After 1964, the OAU recognized PAIGC as the legitimate representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde and in 1965 recognised FRELIMO for Mozambique. Portuguese, British and Belgian forces spent all of 1918 chasing Lettow-Vorbeck and his men across Mozambique, German East Africa and Northern Rhodesia. However, the monument is intended to specifically address the losses suffered in the Portuguese Colonial War, known in Portugal as the Overseas War. In 1974, the FRELIMO launched mortar attacks against Vila Pery (now Chimoio), an important city and the first (and only) heavy populated area to be hit by the FRELIMO. 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